is 'modernism' the reigning american, possibly world, discourse?

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somewhat inspired by "the power of nightmares". attempting an objective definition of postmodernism (though perhaps not postmodernity) is an intrinsically flawed exercise (it would require an obfuscation of ideology - an exercise contrary to postmodernism's very means) but if we accept that there is this cultural/academic theory or set of theories that suggests we live in an era whose defining aspect is its "incredulity towards metanarratives", what implications does it have for the po-mo proponents that the currently most powerful men in the world have, as their (at least partial) aim, the installation/restoration/continutation of credibility in controlling narratives (and have been relatively successful)?

problem is i don't like the retroactively oppositional definition of "modernism" that sees the unified self and narrative as it's foremost aspect. but i think the question still kinda stands.

m. (mitchlnw), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 13:20 (twenty-one years ago)

refrase/clarify

lukey (Lukey G), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 13:25 (twenty-one years ago)

they have lots of money so there

Frank Swedehead, Tuesday, 9 November 2004 13:31 (twenty-one years ago)

Are you talking about fraggle rock?

Swahilian Snake Charmer, Tuesday, 9 November 2004 13:32 (twenty-one years ago)

pomo enthusiasts say we're living in a time in which we (together with our cultural products) are inherently suspect of the kind of 'grand narratives' (the ones put forward by God and goverment of yore) that used to define our existence and allow faith in our essential humanity, and that we now acknowledge a multiplicity of consciousness(es?), accept moral relativism and individual subjectivies (the kind of stuff that "power of nightmares" sez is anathema to neocons). i suppose one could argue that this 'era' is one that necessarily excludes many people that aren't first-world intellectuals, or at least sees/saw the old essentialist views and the influence of their advocates as on the wane. do present realities require a reconsideration/reconfiguration of these views?

m. (mitchlnw), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 13:47 (twenty-one years ago)

maybe they do, what do you think?

Space Mikey V, Tuesday, 9 November 2004 13:49 (twenty-one years ago)

i suppose one could argue that this 'era' is one that necessarily excludes many people that aren't first-world intellectuals

this is key, i assume.

lauren (laurenp), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 13:52 (twenty-one years ago)

Discourses don't really reign. People dismiss postmodernist thought because they don't think it's of use, although We Know Better. That doesn't make them modernists. E.g. the expression is "postmodernist" not "antimodernist". People believe in things like common sense, the right way of doing things, Us v Them, gods and metanarratives. But not because they believe in Metanarrative as the preferred way of seeing the world but because we create narratives without being able to help it and determinism has an appeal etc etc.

So anyway, the "most powerful men in the world" use whatever means they can to achieve their nefarious ends. If you're a politician you might find metanarratives useful to frame events in your country's history to pretend it's all part of destiny. You can believe it or not yourself - if you don't and you're aware of how your rhetoric works, then you'd be emloying postmodernist modes, I guess. If you're e.g. an ad exec, an understanding of postmodernist frames of creativity might be more helpful in coming up with a campaign, or you might seek to situate the product's narrative in a metanarrative. Or both.

Discourses don't reign, really. I know it's a metaphor but I'm not sure it reflects the discourse different discourses have with each other. It's not a matter of whether modernism or postmodernism has the upper hand - some academics don't "believe" in po/mo but it's just their tough luck that it exists. More people use modernist expressions than postmodernist, but the generation of children now have pretty much been brought up in a self-reflexive kind of media culture and it won't be an issue for them.

beanz (beanz), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 13:54 (twenty-one years ago)

a number of people cited the events of 9/11 as proof that postmodernism was dead (or never really was), but from a different perspective as to the one i'm proposing ( - i think maybe postmodernism wasn't so much *wrong* as it was incompatible.. or radical.. or maybe just useless)(and less in the face of the actual events of 9/11 than in the face the aftermath)

xpost

m. (mitchlnw), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 13:55 (twenty-one years ago)

Good essay on Modernism (as a synonym for Enlightenment, more or less) and the West after 9-11, by Bruno Latour, here: http://www.prickly-paradigm.com/paradigm2.pdf

Jerry the Nipper (Jerrynipper), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 13:57 (twenty-one years ago)

I think neo-cons are couched in the short-termist social and economic trends essential to the develoment of postmodernism. However they also draw this disperate and contradictory set of elements togeather through the use of a moral code at home, and relgiouse crusade in forign policy, that heralds from the dark ages. When discussing politics i think it is better to avoid critical theory, as most people don't know about it and certainly dont care ('po modernim aint that all conret an neone?). It is certainly the case that the capitaslist/communist binary stabalised modernism (pre vietnam). It is also the case that after the cold war, the diversity of issues and contexts that emerged made postmodernism's nihalistic mingeling attractive. The hangover of that which we are experiencing now is that diveristy is fucking scary, and that simple us/them fear/freedom binarys are deeply attractive to an electorate educationaly wholy unprepared for the complexitys of the post soviet colapse world.

lukey (Lukey G), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 14:02 (twenty-one years ago)

sorry i seem to have made one of my points twice

Postmodernism is incompatible or useless faced with 11 September 2001 because you can't hope to stop a plane flying into a building by shouting at it: "I'm having a different experience of these events than the person standing next to me and there's no such thing as objectivity." As far as the aftermath goes, I think there's a clear choice: See the world in absolutes and continue the death and destruction; or try and understand more clearly why people see the world differently to you and hope to address the points of conflict which arise between viewpoints. This, I believe, is a practical and U&K use for postmodernist politics. Again, I'm arbitrarily creating a narrative which says if you don't believe in relativism you're a bad person.

beanz (beanz), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 14:05 (twenty-one years ago)

i think beanz somewhat otm. i should note that i don't quite believe my own arguments. i mentioned in the opening post that i didnt like how i was defining modernism, i think "is postmodernism dead.... NOW?" would have been a much better way of putting the argument (though this still wouldnt acknowledge beanz'z point about discourses being neither active and ruling or inactive and failing)

could you say that postmodernisms at least.. sleeping? save.. i don't know, "curb your enthusiasm"? (okay okay, and a whole mess of other things)

xxxpost

m. (mitchlnw), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 14:06 (twenty-one years ago)

beanz, i didn't mean to imply that postmodern's "useless"ness in the context of 9/11 was its inability to stop the actual attacks, rather that moral relativism seemed, yeah, incompatible with the reminder of 'the real' that was the destruction of the towers and great loss of life

m. (mitchlnw), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 14:14 (twenty-one years ago)

but again, i don't really agree with that. these are problems with creating a thread out of arguments you either havent fully digested or don't entirely endorse.

m. (mitchlnw), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 14:15 (twenty-one years ago)

actually i don't think postmodernism is useless as regards the actual events of 9/11 at all, just that its characteristics (however vague)(and including vagueness itself, really) seem to be rather unpopular at the moment, at least in terms of world politics (which, as lukey suggests, might be an area that has always been uncomfortable with critical theory and maybe vice versa)

m. (mitchlnw), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 14:21 (twenty-one years ago)

I understand you didn't mean p/m could have prevented the attacks and I know you're just posing the questions, but that is the kind of thing anti-p/m types say so I threw in an answer to it. I'm certainly not accusing you of being anti-p/m. Anti-p/ms, or anti-intellectuals in general, accuse people who think "too deeply" of not being grounded or not having real solutions to real problems. I think there are strong counter arguments to this.

Postmodernism is awake or alive or whatever in all expressions of culture from art to politics because nobody can help being self-reflexive, self-referential, meta etc. The most conservative, reactionary, anti-philosophical politician displays this by wondering what s/he should wear for best effect on tv. Another way of phrasing your question, or maybe what I think you're hinting at at any rate, is: Will (meta)narratives always be employed? The answer to that is yes, I believe. Will people be increasingly aware of the multiplicity of consciousnesses and associated relativism? Yes. Will people always believe in gods? Probably.

beanz (beanz), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 14:21 (twenty-one years ago)

I've been thinking about this very intensely during the past few days, and my conclusions might surprise you. I think that America under Bush has finally reached a postmodern national identity, in that it sees itself as The Other rather than The Universal. This is partly due to Bin Laden, who I believe gave PoMo subjecthood 20 extra years of life with 9/11, but also due to the 'completion' of thirty years of identity politics. For both Bin Laden and an 'identity politics of the right' have led the US to think of itself as The Other rather than The Universal.

Postmodern identity politics -- the somewhat narcissistic splitting off of minorities on the grounds of race, gender and sexual orientation, their renegotiation of their social status, and their attempts to induce guilt and reparation in the host culture -- has become a horrible parody of itself in today's US, where it has reached the elites and turned itself completely inside out. For, strange as it is to say, the current US administration is run by a minority group who have put their single-issue interests ahead of all others, and are militant about it. Like gays in the 70s, they refuse to feel guilty. Like feminists, they harp on their victimhood (9/11 being their symbolic 'rape'), and like the black power movement they demand empowerment and reparation. It's a ghastly parody of identity politics, a parody which means that the actual appeals of actual minority groups will fall on deaf ears. For there is no longer a liberal-humanist 'father' at the centre of 'patriarchy'. There is a reckless and irresponsible 'son' who thinks he's just as big a victim as anyone else. It is both the culmination and the end of identity politics.

More in these essays:

The US becomes 'situated'

Stigma on steroids

Momus (Momus), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 14:23 (twenty-one years ago)

(I should add that I see contemporary Islam as postmodern too.)

Momus (Momus), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 14:24 (twenty-one years ago)

And as for 'meta-narratives', I think Bush pere and Clinton were the last US presidents to uphold the metanarrative of a benign and liberal US which acted according to interests that were more than its own narrow advantage. Torture, extra-judicial arrest and detainment, pre-emptive war... it all suggests that rights take a back seat to interests, and that interests are very narrowly defined. Therefore the meta-narrative is finished. The US no longer even pretends to be The Universal. It is now 'situated', its interests 'vested'. It is just another country. But there's an interesting corollary to this; you cannot run an empire if you're post-modern, vested, and situated. You cannot run an empire as The Other. Legitimacy (or its appearance) is needed to run an empire. When it threw out the 'meta-narrative' of liberalism with all its rhetoric of rights and universal standards, the US also threw out -- perhaps without knowing it -- any chance of becoming the new Rome.

Momus (Momus), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 14:31 (twenty-one years ago)

A few quick thoughts on your post here Momus and on the Stigma entry (I haven't had time to read the US one) - I think identity politics must be treated with relativism because people have to respond to disenfranchised, voiceless minorities with more understanding and sympathy than to rich white oil-field-owning middle-aged men. If we insist that everyone acts right or wrong and should be judged accordingly without looking at their backgrounds, that's when the rich guys win.

As far as Marxism providing a more useful frame for understanding - seeing everything in terms of class is pretty similar to seeing everything in terms of gender. I reject Marxism in the sense that I don't believe in the destiny of any class at all. On the other hand I find Marxism really valuable as a tool among many.

oh xpost.... There's too much for me to discuss right now. I'll come back later

beanz (beanz), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 14:33 (twenty-one years ago)

I think identity politics must be treated with relativism because people have to respond to disenfranchised, voiceless minorities with more understanding and sympathy than to rich white oil-field-owning middle-aged men. If we insist that everyone acts right or wrong and should be judged accordingly without looking at their backgrounds, that's when the rich guys win.

But because of the high visibility of those minorities in the era of late 20th century identity politics, the American public doesn't think they're 'disenfranchised' or 'voiceless' at all. They think they're powerful and strident. The term 'political correctness' arrived in the late 80s to mark the point at which people thought it had become impossible to speak in any language but the language of identity politics, reparation, and the guilt the establishment should feel about its long persecution of blacks, women and gays. At from the moment that term 'political correctness' took hold, the backlash began. Very cleverly, the right co-opted the very techniques that minorities had used. They exploited the fears militant minorities (often articulate, affluent, middle class and urban) stirred in the poor, and formed an alliance between the super-rich and the very poor. Now the super-rich and the poor are in league against the militant minorities they both hate. They're holding hands, as it were, over their heads. And they're both wreaking revenge for the long years in which the militant minorities seemed to become a new orthodoxy, and seemed to make identities like 'white male' or 'Christian' seem tantamount to crimes.

A political movement based on classic Marxist class consciousness, if we can imagine such a thing in America, would not have allowed the opposition to get so scattered, or lose touch so badly with the working classes.

Momus (Momus), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 14:49 (twenty-one years ago)

but momus, pre-emptive war, extra-judicial arrest etc are not currently being justified as the necessary (non?)evils of narrow (but vital) american needs - they're portrayed as the unfortunate consequences of burgeoning foreign democracy (but, yes, of a kind that exists as a uniquely american entity and arguably ultimately serves only to protect american interests). i'm not sure that you sufficiently distinguish between publicly upheld metanarratives and ones supported by actual policy (or are you arguying that the clinton administration itself did not make such a distinction?)
xpost

m. (mitchlnw), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 14:50 (twenty-one years ago)

(that was actually a double xpost, momus and i posted simultaneously)

m. (mitchlnw), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 14:53 (twenty-one years ago)

Bush pere and Clinton were both cunning enough to pass America's self-interest off as something that would benefit everybody -- remember phrases like 'the New World Order' and 'trickledown' and even 'globalism'? I don't think this was just rhetoric. I think they genuinely didn't see a contradiction between US interests and those of other countries, in the ten years after the end of the cold war. But that vision has disappeared since the US began to think of itself as an injured victim, an Other as vociferously wounded as any minority in the 70s.

Bush fils has been stupid enough to dispense with such meta-narratives. Tough talk and tough action plays well to his electoral base, but very badly everywhere else. Very few believe that democracy is being brought with bombs. The battle raging right now against Iraqi citizens in Falluja is proof enough of that. Without meta-narratives like legitimacy, liberalism, and the appearance of disinterestedness, you cannot run an empire, no matter how much military force you have.

Momus (Momus), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 15:23 (twenty-one years ago)

Mildly off-topic, but something to do with Momus' mention of a contemporary US marxist movement, I've realised that lots of the things I have been thinking about in regard to the election, and the way I feel things would best be handled, come back to ahimsa. As most of my moral, and some of my poilitical (I'm a bit more specific about socialism), come from Gandhi and other pacifists this is hardly surprising to me. I've just been thinking about ways in which the internal US political dialogue can be conducted, how the split can be resolved, and how the left can convince the right that the left is the way to go.

Ahimsa isn't just applicable to violent situations - it encompasses all aspects of life, but is especially useful in political discourse. The left, and it's allied 'special interest' groups must face face hatred with calmness, understanding and firm resolve. The humility necessary to use ahimsa could help diffuse the rights fear of the left's power, while I believe that such techniques are the best way for common humanity to cut through ideological fogs. Practically, such techniques are difficult, but non-violence training has taken place in the US before, during the civil rights movement, and I think everyone would benefit from a new, large scale training in ahimsa. There are other areas I see a key need for ahimsa (the death of Arafat could open the way for a palestinian Gandhi, if that is what people would want and strive for. A nonviolent Palestine couldn't fail to overcome the occupation) but at the moment I've just been thinking about the US, and was wondering what people think the problems are with such an approach.

Kevin Gilchrist (Mr Fusion), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 15:36 (twenty-one years ago)

i don't know if the evangelical/'conservative' language of liberal threat and gay agendas and ideological invasion has all that much to do with 'identity politics' per se (though it's role probably shouldn't be discounted entirely), it's likely got a larger precendent

m. (mitchlnw), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 18:43 (twenty-one years ago)

on a very different tack, in studying for an exam, i've been rereading greenberg's "avant-garde and kitsch", and paging through a 1950s publication called "kitch", containing essays (including greenberg's) written by like-minded intellectuals - it's quite remarkable how closely greenberg's ideas mirror those of qutb and strauss (as presented in "nightmares")

m. (mitchlnw), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 19:10 (twenty-one years ago)

Greenberg was tremendously metaphysical and rockist, especially when hyping his mates Pollock and Rothko. Compare and contrast Laurence Alloway, the British critic who invented the term Pop Art. The interesting thing is that while the Americans were still doing their Modernist abstract expressionism thing, the British were inventing postmodernism in the 1950s, with the Independent Group (Paolozzi, Richard Hamilton, Reyner Banham, the Smithsons, Alloway). I think it's something to do with Britain always having a much more mediated, media-savvy view of American commercial culture -- what Hamilton called 'an ironism of affirmation', which just means 'mixed feelings', really.

Momus (Momus), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 20:20 (twenty-one years ago)

I think there's a lot to what you say, Momus, about Bush II's appropriation of identity politics. But I disagree that Dubya has uncoupled this, on either the domestic or international fronts, from a claim to The Universal. If anything, and to simplify enormously, a generation of realpolitik hawks (eg. Kissinger) has been replaced by the neocon crusaders for freedom that surround Bush, and by Bush's own Manichean world-view.

Again, I simplify, and this is to say nothing of the way in which Bush's "crusade for freedom" is indeed fueled by concealed (though all too obvious) geopolitical aims, not to mention the psychic need for vengeance. But the metanarrative -- "we shall free the Muslim people" -- has been invoked again and again.

I'd also be more hesitant to equate "postmodernism" with "identity politics" of any sort, left or right. But "I know what you mean", and no doubt you know the difference, so in this context I'm probably being too pedantic.

Collardio Gelatinous (collardio), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 20:51 (twenty-one years ago)

Well, the project of deconstruction has been explicitly linked with identity politics because both work to renegotiate the repressed terms of binaries before re-inserting them. I don't think it's a very far-fetched analogy. And my use of postmodernism is pretty wide: I basically see it as simply the name of the period we're in, and date its start as (roughly) 1956!

Momus (Momus), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 21:48 (twenty-one years ago)

Makes sense to me.

Collardio Gelatinous (collardio), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 22:10 (twenty-one years ago)

if Wahabbism could be said to be "contemporary" Islam (which is a bit like saying Southern Baptist practice is the only form of "contemporary" Christianity), it's even more of a stretch to say that it's "postmodern," seeing as it and many other forms of Islamic thought don't really fit into the Western dialogue/framework/dialectic/whathaveyou.

hstencil (hstencil), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 22:12 (twenty-one years ago)

I was influenced in my view on this by Postmodernism and Islam. The book basically says that radicalised fundamentalist Islam is in a very tight dialectic with globalism and the postmodern west.

Momus (Momus), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 23:07 (twenty-one years ago)

Of course it is! Haha Mark Steel is on telly talking about Hegel the dialectic of patriotism in REALTIME, like now. Go BBC2!

Pretty much OTM with everything apart from the dorky feminism comment. To think that feminism is the stance of a victim, you must pretty much define womanhood as a litany of complaints. Feminism is the stance for people who do not want women to be victims but feel it is decent to help them if that's what they have become due to the machinations of others.

suzy (suzy), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 23:24 (twenty-one years ago)

I'm watching the Mark Steel lecture too, and quite enjoying it.

Kevin Gilchrist (Mr Fusion), Tuesday, 9 November 2004 23:29 (twenty-one years ago)

four months pass...
what momus says upthread interestingly echoed, in part, here: http://www.dissentmagazine.org/menutest/articles/wi05/rubin.htm (Lillian B. Rubin's "why don't they listen to us"). the relevant excerpt:

A decade ago, I wrote about the emerging movement of European-American clubs and warned that in these groups we could see "the outlines of things to come" (Families on the Fault Line). The clubs themselves faded away, but the consciousness of self as "other," an idea that had been alien to whites of any class until identity politics came to dominate political life, took root and evolved into what we see today: America's white working and lower-middle class claiming for itself the status of another aggrieved group, only this time the largest in the land. And unlike earlier working-class movements of discontent, it isn't the bosses or the corporations or even the government that are the target of their anger, it's us, "the liberal elite."

jermaine (jnoble), Wednesday, 9 March 2005 12:15 (twenty-one years ago)

It's interesting to contrast this view ("Why don't they listen to us?") with the much more optimistic views of Richard Florida and Thomas de Zengotita, who argue that pomo mediation culture, or the values of the "creative class" (tolerance, technology, talent) will continue to trickle down, not just from US blue states to red states, but from developed nations to developing ones. I suspect the difference in tone is the result of the fact that Rubin's "us" is a different "us" than Florida's and Zengotita's. Hers is the traditional leftwing intelligentsia (and particularly the Jewish radicals of the early 20th century, petering out and torn apart by Israel's rightward drift), whereas Florida's and Zengotita's is a narcissistic yuppie elite of mediators and communicators. America is more likely to follow glitzy self-appointed celebrities than socialist intellectuals. But can communication save the world? Can it feed people? Well, Zengotita appears to be saying "Yes, perhaps." Mediation as the new socialism? If Marxism and Modernism are eternally wedded, can Mediation and Postmodernism be the closest current team, the one with the best chance of swaying the masses? More on this here.

Momus (Momus), Wednesday, 9 March 2005 13:21 (twenty-one years ago)

Having read Lillian Rubin's essay, I think we take different lines. She's saying that identity politics and political correctness were mistakes, and lost the left a lot of ground:

by insisting on political correctness, we not only played a part in impoverishing the national discourse but, in doing so, we also marginalized ourselves politically and lost what should have been our natural constituency. Our belief that we had to hold the line lest it crumble completely, our fear that by granting any legitimacy at all to the pervasive cultural anxiety of the time we would give fuel to the enemy led us to take positions on many issues that damaged our credibility with a considerable portion of the American public.

My analysis is a bit different. I think political correctness and identity politics actually won the day, but with an unforeseen outcome: they were embraced by the enemy, the right, who managed to portray themselves (and, post 9/11, America itself) as the ultimate "victim". After 9/11 it became Americans, rather than, say, homosexuals or the disabled, against whom it was taboo to utter a single negative word.

Now, PC culture is all about "spin". It's too late to retreat from postmodernism, spin, mediation etc and go back to promoting old fashioned Marxist (and Modernist) concepts like "class consciousness". That's over, gone, at least in America. There, the only chance left for any kind of liberalism is to advance further into Postmodern culture, become masters of spin, masters of image, promote Florida's "three Ts", and, finally, give everybody in the world the chance to become a mediator, a postmodern subject, a pseudo-celebrity asshole. I'm talking about Senegalese and Taiwanese Nathan Barleys, Filippino tourists, Thai yuppies, Saudi Arabian food court schleppers, Myanmar mall shoppers, and every one of them a legend on his or her own website. Just one proviso: the playing-field for this global poncery must be level, and the consumption must be sustainable.

Momus (Momus), Wednesday, 9 March 2005 13:56 (twenty-one years ago)

very strange that creating a social/ideological/metaphysical world with the primary function of sustaining itself as a "reality" has become the sole ground of conservative movements in American culture. the news media, cultural discourse, even personal outlooks become less a function of "evidence" or "received wisdom" or some lost authenticity than they do of "focus" (i.e. that phrase we hear over and over from both soccer moms and the white house these days, "focus on the positive," "Focus on the Family," etc.) i swear i've encountered less fascination with the authentic moment (i.e. when men believed in God, when men were men and women were women, when people only had sex in marriage) from the religious right than with some kind of logical kink that conveniently leaves everything up to point of view. ritual (in art at least) lost its power centuries ago and got replaced by replication (going naively by Benjamin here), and then we saw replication, or mass representation, mingling with ritual in strange ways -- WWJD? bumper stickers and televangelists -- but now it's almost like the ritual has been left entirely behind by neoconservatives and religion has left the building (sure you hear old white men yelling for more God in schools, but do they really know anything of "God" compared to someone from the same demographic 50-100 years ago?). ok, my point is: the true po-mo maze doesn't come from pre-9/11 cultural criticism but from post-9/11 political policy (in the Me-Other sense mentioned by Momus and all of its bizarre refractions).

that said, i see much more modernist angst/alienation from the "liberal elite" or whatever than from conservative/religious people.

fauxhemian (fauxhemian), Wednesday, 9 March 2005 16:32 (twenty-one years ago)

five years pass...

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/modern-art-was-cia-weapon-1578808.html

this is wild!

goole, Monday, 8 November 2010 20:27 (fifteen years ago)

what momus says upthread interestingly echoed, in part, here: http://www.dissentmagazine.org/menutest/articles/wi05/rubin.htm (Lillian B. Rubin's "why don't they listen to us"). the relevant excerpt:

A decade ago, I wrote about the emerging movement of European-American clubs and warned that in these groups we could see "the outlines of things to come" (Families on the Fault Line). The clubs themselves faded away, but the consciousness of self as "other," an idea that had been alien to whites of any class until identity politics came to dominate political life, took root and evolved into what we see today: America's white working and lower-middle class claiming for itself the status of another aggrieved group, only this time the largest in the land. And unlike earlier working-class movements of discontent, it isn't the bosses or the corporations or even the government that are the target of their anger, it's us, "the liberal elite."
― jermaine (jnoble), Wednesday, March 9, 2005 4:15 AM (5 years ago) Bookmark

surprisingly prescient pre-tea-party otmness there

naked human hands and a foam rubber head (contenderizer), Monday, 8 November 2010 21:00 (fifteen years ago)

but, yeah, that article goole posted is fascinating & quietly mind-blowing:

This philistinism [America's public hostility to "modern art"], combined with Joseph McCarthy's hysterical denunciations of all that was avant-garde or unorthodox, was deeply embarrassing. It discredited the idea that America was a sophisticated, culturally rich democracy. It also prevented the US government from consolidating the shift in cultural supremacy from Paris to New York since the 1930s. To resolve this dilemma, the CIA was brought in.

The connection is not quite as odd as it might appear. At this time the new agency, staffed mainly by Yale and Harvard graduates, many of whom collected art and wrote novels in their spare time, was a haven of liberalism when compared with a political world dominated by McCarthy or with J Edgar Hoover's FBI. If any official institution was in a position to celebrate the collection of Leninists, Trotskyites and heavy drinkers that made up the New York School, it was the CIA.

runs so radically counter to my received ideas about the CIA.

"We wanted to unite all the people who were writers, who were musicians, who were artists, to demonstrate that the West and the United States was devoted to freedom of expression and to intellectual achievement, without any rigid barriers as to what you must write, and what you must say, and what you must do, and what you must paint, which was what was going on in the Soviet Union. I think it was the most important division that the agency had, and I think that it played an enormous role in the Cold War."

awesome

naked human hands and a foam rubber head (contenderizer), Monday, 8 November 2010 21:10 (fifteen years ago)

That article is mindblowing!

17th Century Catholic Spain (Abbbottt), Monday, 8 November 2010 21:20 (fifteen years ago)

reminds me vaguely/indirectly of a not-so-recent print magazine article about the "information graphics" produced for fortune magazine during its first few decades. beautiful stuff, hardly abstract expressionism, but excellent, forward-thinking design that frequently reads as fine art. this passion for excellence in art & design is said to have been a key component of the magazine's identity, at least in the mind of founder henry luce, who saw these qualities as reflections of american excellence in commerce. i assume there wasn't a great deal of license for self-expression in the creation of these materials, but within the rather rigid functional constraints, the artists & designers, many of them leaders in their fields, were apparently granted a great deal of exploratory freedom.

sad that the divide between american business and conservatism on the one hand and american art on the other has grown so vast in the decades since. owes largely to the upheavals of the 60s and subsequent "culture war" bullshit, i suppose, but perhaps we can also blame the nascent CIA's success in championing american artistic freedoms overseas. ironic, if so...

naked human hands and a foam rubber head (contenderizer), Monday, 8 November 2010 21:37 (fifteen years ago)

http://www.amazon.co.uk/Who-Paid-Piper-Cultural-Cold/dp/1862073279

^ this is the book. Haven't read it myself, just seen it mentioned in reviews and the like.

I've seen bits and bobs regarding shady funding for Darmsdadt but nothing really proven either way, or so that was the conclusion I could make out at the time.

xyzzzz__, Tuesday, 9 November 2010 20:37 (fifteen years ago)

i read the book

the author was the first real-world editor to give me work, a long long long time ago

it's interesting! think i'd appreciate reading it more now, coz the names would be more familiar to me [via wikipedia]

it's a fair bit to do with 'encounter' magazine, which was revealed as taking money through the cia back in the 1960s, by 'ramparts' iirc, then nyrb

there are nice ironies in the story -- plenty of european art is state-subsidized, plenty of european culture is protected by state action, but one wouldn't call it 'a weapon in the cold war', largely out of habit

rip whiney g weingarten 03/11 never forget (history mayne), Tuesday, 9 November 2010 21:42 (fifteen years ago)

some of the early cia bros were pretty dedicated high-culture types

Adrian Roosevelt "Adie" Mike (nakhchivan), Tuesday, 9 November 2010 21:47 (fifteen years ago)

eight months pass...

Any recommendations for books on modernism, from fin-de-siecle up to say the '20s? Preferably lighter on the philosophy, heavier on the history. Bonus points if it talks about the Paris premiere of Le Sacre du Printemps.

his loser, bum of a son, named Jesus Christ (Leee), Monday, 8 August 2011 04:26 (fourteen years ago)


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